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Bullying behavior: The role of the target

by Rebecca Palmer

Despite numerous attempts to intervene by scholastic administration and teachers, bullying occurs within every school regardless of culture or location. Approximately 10% of children are bullied in primary school, and the number of targets decreasing with age (Rigby & Slee, 1991). Defined as deliberate hostile activity intended to harm, induce fear and create terror through threat of further aggression, bullying creates a significant problem for their victims (Colorosso, 2005). Often the word "bully" is associated with an oafish demeanor or a lumbering boy (or girl) who lacks social skills. This association is not totally accurate; the bully possesses social skills that he uses to his advantage to manipulate others and is often rather popular (if for no other reason than to avoid being the next target) (Elliot, 2002). Through aggression, manipulation, and other forms of bullying, he uses his target to solidify his own place of dominance. Because others are present during 85% of bullying (Sutton et al., 1999), the target becomes a tool for vicarious learning for the on looking bystanders. He exists merely to reinforce the social infrastructure and be the bottom of the "pecking order" created by the bully's dominance. The aggression bullies use exists in different forms and yet serves the same purpose: to secure the bully's place at the top of the pecking order.

When a child is beaten and has his lunch money stolen, the bully utilizes direct physical aggression (Craig et al., 2000). This serves to display the bully's physical strength against those who are weaker and to teach others the consequences if they cross him. He chose this target exclusively because he is stronger and perhaps older or bigger; he knows that if the target attempted to fight back he would win. Counterattacking is a technique that is rarely used by targets, but it provides an easy victory for the bully (if he chose correctly) and a "good show" for the bystanders (Salmiralli, 1996). This show of physical power is necessary to establish the bully's place among other students as tough and ruthless. A physically aggressive bully sees little problem with using violence to ascertain his position among his peers, and even regards physical aggression as a positive quality (Elliot, 2002). Although more common among boys than girls, physical aggression has seen an increasing trend in female circles (Elliot, 2002). Generally, girls tend to use relational aggression to keep exclusive social cliques while simultaneously creating "order" at schools.

Even though bullying is typically associated with physical violence, relational aggression is often a more emotionally lasting form of bullying. Taking the form of social exclusion, ignoring, and the purposeful destruction of friendships (through rumors, gossip, etc), relational aggression is an indirect form of bullying used to diminish the target's sense of self (Colorosso, 2005). Relational aggression takes a high level of social reasoning to determine the most hurtful route to social exclusion, and typically increases with age (Sutton et al., 1999). Unlike physical aggression, relational aggression is sometimes difficult to see and almost impossible to regulate. The bullies who use relative aggression often pick on new or younger students who lack "status" (Pellegrini & Bartini, 2000) because they do not have an established place within the school's social network. She will fully manipulate the already established infrastructure of cliques to her advantage, and inform others not to sit with the "new kid" at lunch or other socially excluding activities. Those new (or younger) students who either are friends with the "leader" of these cliques or have a vast social network are less likely to be bullied than those who are loners or held in low social status already (Pellegrini & Bartini, 2000). Vicarious learning in relational aggression involves the fear of falling out of favor with the bully and thus being the next to be socially excluded. The target serves to let other girls in the clique know not to cross the main bully. Because of this, other girls will often become passive bullies by joining in on the aggressive bullying done by their ring leader (Elliot, 2002). These girls (or boys) may also utilize verbal aggression in order to solidify their places in social cliques and further relational aggression.

Name calling, taunting, belittling, cruel criticism and sexually abusive remarks are all examples of verbal aggression (Colorosso, 2005). Like relational aggression, verbal aggression is difficult to monitor or regulate, and can often take place quickly and quietly. Both males and females utilize this type of direct aggression almost equally, with a slight favor towards male usage (Elliot 2002). Verbal aggression is used to dehumanize the target and justify bullying behavior. Through repeated verbal aggresses, the target internalizes what the bully says to her and becomes anxious, insecure, and lonely (Kochenderfer & Ladd, 1996). This internalization serves to perpetuate the social standing the bully is desperately trying to preserve.

Bullying occurs school-wide, yet more often takeing place on the playground (Craig et al., 2000). With decreased supervision and high energy, it seems a breeding ground for playground dominance. Overall, aggressive interactions occur every 2.4 minutes on the playground versus every 37 minutes in the classroom (Craig et al., 2000). While not having to be in a classroom or listen to a teacher, children can readily use social learning and interact with each other. Bullies take full advantage of the lack of supervision to push around their targets in full view of other students. Using what is most likely an amalgamation of the types of aggression, the playground becomes the perfect setting to let other's know of his status by bullying his target.

Although it seems as though the target is a specific type of child, in reality it could be any child. Simply, he could be in the wrong place at the wrong time. Merely existing for instrumental purposes (according to the bully), the target is most often chosen because of physical weakness, youth, or low social standing. The bully needs to use these children in order to secure his own place in his perceived social order. Without these unfortunate children, the bully would be unable to "lead" others and might fall victim himself. In order to avoid this, he uses targets without regard to the consequences and openly bullies them to teach others vicariously. By using the target in such a manner, the bully solidifies his dominance over the school yard.













References
Colorosso, Barbara (2005) The bully, the bullied, and the bystander. London: Piccadilly Press.
Craig, Wendy, Pepler, Debra, Atlas, Rona (2000) Observations of bullying in the playground and in the classroom. School Psychology International, 21, 22-36.
Elliot, Michele. (2002) Bullying: A practical guide to coping for schools. Third Edition. New York: Pearson Publishing.
Kochenderfer, Becky, Ladd, Gary (1996) Peer victimization: Cause or consequence of school maladjustment? Child Development, 67, 1305-1317
Pellegrini, A.D., Bartini, Maria (2000) A longitudinal study of bullying, victimization, and peer affiliation during the transition from primary school to middle school. American Educational Research Journal, 37, 699-725.
Rigby, Ken, Slee, Phillip (1991) Bullying among Australian school children: Reported behavior and attitudes towards victims. Journal of Social Psychology, 131, 615- 617.
Salmiralli, Christina, Karhunen, Jakko, Lagerspetz, Kirsti (1996) How do victims respond to bullying? Aggressive Behavior, 22, 99-109.
Sutton, Jon, Smith, Peter, Swettenham, John. (1999) Bullying and "theory of mind": a critique of the "social skills deficit" view of antisocial behavior. Social Development, 8, 119-127.

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