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towns, and even other states, they were strangers to one another: firemen were introduced to one another and prepared to work in concert. But they were bound by the common pledgewhich no one needed to state emphatically; it was readily apparentto work fire, search, rescue, and salvage.

The institution we call Congress operates in much the same fashion. They don't fight fires or rescue survivors, but there is an institution we call Congress: the men and women elected to it become familiar with the formal membership rights and responsibilities of senators and congressmen; and, in another instance, when they are assigned to the various committees, they become immersed in the legislative processin the form of formal rules and regulationsand hire a staff of researchers and administrative personnel to help.

Once again, there at least three different kinds of groupness here, and, as with the firemen, they are concurrent. There is the institutional monolith we call Congress; there are the current members pledged to observe and adhere to ancient rights, responsibilities, and even rituals; and there are the current tasks of working through the legislative process for a bill or set of bills. But it must be emphasized that these not distinctive and objective categories but occasions based on formal rules and regulations, reciprocal relationships among individuals (in this case, senators and congressmen and women), and temporary division of labor among current members.

Simplification of complex issues remains the hallmark mass media. The fire department and Congress we think about with regard to origin or purpose. But the intrinsic and complex work of committees and their staffs (and, in addition, myriad lobbyists and special interest representatives that solicit congresspersons on behalf their lobbies or special interests)division of labor, assignment of tasks, obstacles encounteredremain a mystery to anyone not intimately involved in the proceedings.

Learn more about this author, Liam Kloef.
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