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Should the Allied powers in World War II have bombed Auschwitz?

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Yes
39% 549 votes Total: 1421 votes
No
61% 872 votes

Yes

by Charles Ray

Created on: August 05, 2009

Auschwitz, near the village of Birkenau in Poland, was the largest of the Nazi concentration camps. A complex of three compounds (Auschwitz I, II, and III), it was built between 1940 and 1942 after the Nazi conquest of Poland and operated by the dreaded Nazi SS.

While accurate numbers are hard to determine, it is estimated that 1.3 million people died at Auschwitz, 90% of them Jews from all over Europe, as part of Hitler's "Final Solution."

In 1944, some Jewish activists began an unsuccessful campaign to get the Allies to bomb Auschwitz. The controversy over Allied refusal to do so is as strong today as it was in 1944. While we may never know the true reason for the Allied decision not to bomb Auschwitz, a look at the facts and events surrounding that decision is nonetheless worthwhile.

The first point to consider is whether or not the Allies knew about Auschwitz and its nature. Evidence indicates that they did, but refused to believe what they were told. Polish army captain Witold Pilecki, one of the prisoners to escape from Auschwitz (he had voluntarily been a prisoner from 1940 to 1943 in order to gather evidence of Nazi atrocities) reported on the mass killings, but the British treated his reports as exaggerations. In 1944, Allied air forces inadvertently took aerial photographs of Auschwitz which clearly showed the nature of the facility, even to the untrained eye.

Winston Churchill considered bombing Auschwitz in 1944, but was convinced that it was impractical. He was told that bombing the facility risked killing the prisoners without stopping the executions.

Auschwitz was in fact bombed accidentally, on one occasion when ordnance intended for nearby military targets fell on the compound, killing some prisoners.

Allied air planners also argued that bombing the railroads to stop the flow of prisoners into the camp was not technically feasible. This claim would appear to be refuted by the many feet of air camera footage from the war that shows Allied air strikes against Nazi supply trains and rail facilities after the Luftwaffe had been effectively grounded after the Normandy invasion.

Allied attempts to target the German heavy water facilities to stop the Nazis from obtaining an atomic bomb also seem to refute the claims that it would not be possible to target the crematoriums at Auschwitz.

Allied concerns that bombings at Auschwitz would kill prisoners ring hollow in the face of the massive daylight bombing raids on factories and other industrial complexes that undoubtedly killed thousands of workers, many of whom were slave laborers from concentration camps. A daylight raid on Auschwitz would probably have missed most of the prisoners (those considered healthy enough to work) who would have been away on slave labor details, leaving only the sick and infirm, who were slated for the ovens in any event.

Bombing Auschwitz would undoubtedly have killed many prisoners. But, it could also have saved many. It would have complicated Nazi plans for the methodical mass extermination of prisoners by destroying the infrastructure built for that purpose, and just might have hastened the liberation of the the millions who died between 1944 and the end of the war.

Learn more about this author, Charles Ray.
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No

by Lesley Mason

Created on: November 10, 2007

Sometimes a question is asked that leaves you floundering between wondering whether to dignify it with a response and the worse notion of letting the idea stand unchallenged.

Whether Auschwitz should have been bombed is just such a question.

The notion that perhaps it should have been is derived from the fact that in April/May 1944 escapers from the camp provided detailed reports of conditions and activities within it. By the summer Jewish groups were demanding action from the Allies, specifically approaching the US President and British Prime Minister.

However, it should be clear that these groups were not suggesting that the camp itself be bombed, rather that the supply lines: the railways, the gas pipes etc be put out of action.

Bombing the camp would simply have done the Nazi's job for them, and exonerated them from culpability in the process. If it was ever considered as a realistic proposition, then the alleged dismissive' nature of the response in the official record is probably the correct one. We need to remember that wars are about politics and propaganda, as well as weapons and tactics.

Would the less-direct attack have achieved the desired aims of those requesting it? Cutting off the gas would have prevented one means of mass murder cutting off the supply lines would not only have created (or at least exacerbated) another: slow starvation. At the same time, it would give the Nazi's a get-out, when the camp was finally liberated, by allowing them the fiction that all was well at the camp until the allies stopped them getting food and medical supplies into it.

Records suggest that the killing at Auschwitz stopped in November 1944 in any event. How quickly the Allies could have mounted a precision attack, and how many months earlier, that would have been as a result, is open to question.

There are other imponderables:

How quickly could the Nazis have responded by simply sending their prisoners to other camps, or would they simply have shunted them into sidings and left them to rot?

How big a deployment (in planning as well as actual attack manpower, weaponry etc - terms) would have had to have been diverted to the Auschwitz issue and what impact would that have had on the primary aim of defeating the Nazis entirely?

Would the possible prolongation of the war on all fronts have caused more suffering overall i.e. would the deaths and traumas elsewhere outweigh' those lessened at Auschwitz. That may seem like a callous calculation to those directly impacted by events at that camp, but it is the kind of consideration that leaders are faced with. It is not a question of balancing Jewish lives against non-Jewish ones; it is simply a matter of total numbers of people affected (irrespective of race or creed). Winning the war as quickly as possible had to be the allies' prime objective in everybody's interest, including those in the camps.

If the rail lines had been bombed and it is not disputed that heavy bombers regularly over-flew them is there any guarantee that this would not have led directly to the death of those concurrently being routed along them?

We should also remember that the eventual liberation of the camps wasn't the end of the suffering for the now-technically-free d prisoners. Conditions were atrocious and the logistics of getting medical supplies, personnel and appropriate nutrition to them were phenomenal many more were yet to die in the aftermath. That situation would have been infinitely worse if the allies had shot themselves in the foot by cutting off what were to become their own supply lines. One of the rules of warfare is one now oft-quoted in management-speak: begin with the end in mind. The current situation in Iraq shows what happens when you forget that lesson. Defeating the enemy is always the prime objective, but good leaders will also be considering what then?'.

It is not clear exactly how much was known, and believed, about the death camps by the summer of 1944. Official archive photographs suggest that much of the truth was known or could be deduced at high governmental level. Accounts from those personally involved in the liberation and subsequent work suggest that the reality was much worse. Even so, rational planners would have known that doing anything that could worsen the situation on the ground, would be playing into the enemy's hands in giving them plausible deniability and also making their own future rescue and reconstruction far more difficult.

Cutting the supply routes, then, could have saved some from the gas chambers would that number have been outweighed by the increased number of those who subsequently died from cholera or malnutrition?

We don't know, obviously. On the balance of probabilities however, I submit that the right choices were made in 1944.

~

As a footnote, however, I would add this should not be seen to give the Allies a clean pair of hands' so far as the overall impact of the Nazi's is concerned. This is merely an examination of the one particular issue. Political and military intervention was indicated far earlier than it was actually undertakento really prevent what happened, the Allies should have engaged' far more positively and decisively long before war was declared by Britain in 1939 possibly as early as 1933. That however is another debate for another time.

~

Learn more about this author, Lesley Mason.
Click here to send this author comments or questions.


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