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The Justice Department recently announced it would no longer use the term "enemy combatant" to justify holding prisoners at the Guantnamo Bay detention facility. While on the surface the move might seem like a substantial change in policy, reaction from supporters and critics indicates that little has changed except some wording.
In a 2006 paper addressing the term "enemy combatant," Timothy Lynch of the CATO Institute wrote that the most important legal issue to have arisen since the September 11 terrorist attacks has been former President Bush's claim that he can arrest any person in the world and incarcerate that person indefinitely. "According to legal papers Bush's lawyers filed in court," Lynch wrote, "so long as the president had issued an enemy combatant order to his secretary of defense, instead of the attorney general, the president could ignore ordinary constitutional safeguards and procedures."
Specific ally, Lynch refers to Habeas Corpus, the cornerstone of western democracy, which grants people thrown in prison the chance to contest their imprisonment before an impartial judge. "Framers of the American Constitution routinely referred to this legal procedure as the Great Writ' because it was considered one of the great safeguards of individual liberty," Lynch said.
While Commander-in Chief Bush was rounding up suspects and populating Guantnamo Bay with people denied the basic right of Habeas Corpus, Bush's lawyers contended that the courts should not question the president's "battlefield decisions." According to Lynch, when the court pressed government attorneys about their definition of the term "battlefield," the lawyers astonishingly said they considered the entire world to be the battlefield, including every inch of U.S. territory. "Every inchfrom Disney World in Florida to Yellowstone Park in the Rockies to the sandy beaches of Hawaii and all of the tiny towns in between. They are all on the battlefield.' That is a profoundly disturbing claim because there are no legal rights whatsoever on the battlefield," Lynch said. "Military commanders simply exercise raw power. By twisting and redefining the term battlefield,' government attorneys [were] advising President Bush that because he [was] the commander in chief, he [could] essentially incarcerate whoever he want[ed]."
So is Obama merely scrapping the term "enemy combatants" or is he substantially revising policy? According to responses on both sides of the issue, there may not be much change we can believe in.
The administration said Friday in a legal memo that it had modified the government's definition of who can be held without charges. While the old definition referred to those who gave "support" to Al Qaeda or the Taliban, the new definition specifies that those who "substantially supported" Al Qaeda or the Taliban can be held no matter where they were captured. The word "substantially" is not defined, and while Obama may have relinquished questionable presidential power to determine who can be held without trial, that power still resides in the US governmentonly through different mechanismsthe Congress and Justice Department along with international laws of war.
In a roundup of quotes posted on the Miami-Herald online, Human Rights Watch stated, "The Obama administration's newly issued position on Guantnamo detainees is a disappointment. Rather than rejecting the Bush administration's ill-conceived notion of a war on terror,' the Obama administration's position on detainees has merely tinkered with its form."
Executive director of American Civil Liberties Union, Anthony Romero, said, "It is deeply troubling that the Justice Department continues to use an overly broad interpretation of the laws of war that would permit military detention of individuals who were picked up far from an actual battlefield or who didn't engage in hostilities against the United States. It is critical that the administration promptly narrow the category for individuals who can be held in military detention so that the U.S. truly comports with the laws of war and rejects the unlawful detention power of the past eight years.''
The Center for Constitutional Rights issued this statement: "It appears on first reading that whatever they call those they claim the right to detain, they have adopted almost the same standard the Bush administration used to detain people without chargewith one change, the addition of the word `substantially' before the word 'supported.' This is really a case of old wine in new bottles.''
Retired Army Lt. Col. Stephen Abraham, a former Guantnamo official, said in an interview with the Associated Press, "There's absolutely no change in the definition. To say this is a kinder, more benevolent sense of justice is absolutely false. . . . I think the only thing they've done is try to separate themselves from the energy of the debate.''
Clearly, many of those who have been following what they perceived as the Bush administration's abuse of power are not thrilled with the Obama administration's legal remedies.
One commentator who tended to support the Bush administration didn't seem to mind the semantic change however. Representative Lamar Smith, a Texas Republican and ranking member of the House Judiciary Committee said, "I'm pleased the Obama administration decided essentially to affirm the Bush administration's definition of who can be detained."
For Obama devotees, the foregoing criticism may be uncomfortable and unwelcomed, but unlike Rush Limbaugh, I sincerely want Obama to succeed. I am counting on him to stand up to those forces threatening the life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness of everyone. Prison is appropriate for those who are guilty of heinous crimes, but everyone has the right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty. No-one should be locked up and tortured because they might be guilty. The Framers of our system of government understood the nature of tyrannical power and designed the Constitution and Bill of Rights to address it. We could honor our founders best by honoring the Constitution instead of finding clever ways to circumvent it.
That would be change I can believe in.
Learn more about this author, Shawn Hamilton.
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Prisoners captured during hostilities, however they have been captured are one thing. Sworn enemies of the United States. That puts them outside the jurisdiction of the courts, and squarely in the jurisdiction of the war making power. The President of The United States.
What the administration chooses to do, or not do with them is none of the business of any court system. The only other branch of the government that might have anything to say about it, is Congress. It has three options. It can authorize - or not - funds necessary for the prosecution of the war. It can declare - or not - war. It can ratify - or not - treaties negotiated by the President.
If we are attacked, the President has several options depending on the situation. He can react immediately, and send troops at the aggressor, as Harry Truman did in 1950. He can mobilize troops to accomplish a specific mission as George H.W. Bush did in 1990. He can do nothing as far as using the military and send our ambassador to that nation or a special ambassador to negotiate something, as the Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter and Reagan administrations did concerning the Israeli attack on the USS Liberty.
In any case, he will have to deal with Congress at some point in time. President Roosevelt lost no time in 1941. He spoke to a joint session of Congress on the 8th of December, asking for an immediate declaration of war by Congress. Because only Congress can declare war. That's why, technically, we have not been at war since the 14th of August, 1945.
Realistically, of course, we fought several battles in the Cold War, and are now fighting another war that you can call several names, but I will call The War Against Islamist Extremists however unwieldy that moniker is. Make no mistake, our Islamist enemies call it a war.
Congress has two powers that it can use in either prosecuting a war, or trying to stop it. It can declare - or not - war, as it did in 1941. It can appropriate - or not - the funds to fight, as it did in 1973 when President Ford requested additional funds for Vietnam. Ford had no choice but to get our military out of Vietnam.
But the courts have no say in the matter one way or the other. The Constitution is totally silent on the matter, giving the courts no power at all. As should be the case.
The prosecution of foreign affairs is left up to the Administration with the advise and consent of Congress.
The courts have no jurisdiction, and it should recognize that.
Learn more about this author, Don Swearingen.
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